When Seve Met Bregović: Folklore, Turbofolk and the Boundaries of Croatian Musical Identity more

This article was downloaded by: [University of Southampton Highfield] On: 17 February 2012, At: 09:31 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cnap20 When Seve Met Bregović: Folklore, Turbofolk and the Boundaries of Croatian Musical Identity Catherine Baker Available online: 14 Aug 2008 To cite this article: Catherine Baker (2008): When Seve Met Bregović: Folklore, Turbofolk and the Boundaries of Croatian Musical Identity, Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 36:4, 741-764 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230514 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-andconditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. 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The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Nationalities Papers, Vol. 36, No. 4, September 2008 ´ When Seve Met Bregovic: Folklore, Turbofolk and the Boundaries of Croatian Musical Identity Catherine Baker Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 ˇ ´ In 2006 the Croatian singer Severina Vuckovic attempted to represent Croatia at the ´ Eurovision Song Contest with a song arranged by Goran Bregovic, the ex-Yugoslav ˇ musician from Sarajevo. Before the song “Moja stikla” [My Stiletto] had even been released, the Croatian (and Serbian) mass media had questioned its “Croatianness” in an escalating sequence of claims and counter-claims to authenticity. Its use of musical elements based on folk song and dance left it open to allegations that it had compromised folk music’s authenticity; those elements’ regional associations (especially ganga and rera singing from Lika and Herzegovina) connoted spaces which had been marginalized as “eastern” or “Balkan” in comparison to privileged ´ inland and coastal traditions; the involvement of Bregovic (represented as Serbian throughout the Croatian mass media) enabled suggestions that the song presented “Serbian folklore” or belonged to the Serbian genre of “turbofolk”—and all this in the particularly sensitive context of a competition which was supposed to symbolize Croatia’s full European membership. ˇ The “Stikla” case demonstrated the construction of an essentialist concept of Croatian cultural identity, the process of setting and marking its boundaries through symbolic means, and the re-presentation of national identities in various ˇ fields of contemporary life. Moreover, the particular hinge of the “Stikla” case— can music conceived of as “eastern” be “Croatian”?—exemplifies the “interstices” described by Homi Bhabha: the places where “domains of difference” overlap and where “nationness” is performed and negotiated.1 This re-statement of Croatian musical identity and its boundaries involved four phases: the candidacy of ˇ “Stikla” to represent Croatia at Eurovision; the domestic response to its selection; its inscription into broader former Yugoslav cultural space during pre-Eurovision promotion; and the circulation of another, less problematically Croatian, version. These phases depended on pre-existing symbolic contexts, particularly the connotations and musical associations of Severina, and the significance of the main performance space (Eurovision) in Croatian and European entertainment and broadcasting. Catherine Baker, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London, Gower Street, London WC1H 0BW, UK. Email: cbakertw1@googlemail.com ISSN 0090-5992 print; ISSN 1465-3923 online/08/040741– 24 # 2008 Association for the Study of Nationalities DOI: 10.1080/00905990802230514 C. BAKER Performance and Persona: The Importance of Being Severina By 2006, Severina was among the foremost entertainment personalities throughout former Yugoslavia. Her Croatian prominence had grown after her 1998 single “Djevojka sa sela” [Village Girl] became an unofficial World Cup anthem, and her position as a supranational star was strengthened by her widely publicized 2001– 2002 tour of Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and a first Serbian performˇ ´ ance supporting Ðorde Balasevic.2 A scandal involving Severina and a sexually explicit video circulated online in summer 2004 was likewise supranational, requiring interviews with (and lawsuits against) media outlets inside and outside Croatia. In the longer term, Severina ironically acknowledged her notoriety through consciously provocative self-presentation, particularly with her 2004 single “Hrvatica” [Croatian Woman] and its video placing Severina in front of a large Croatian flag accompanied by female dancers (whose flags bore a letter “S,” placed similarly to the “U” of the ˇ ´ ˇ Ustasa emblem) in stylized pseudo-military choreography. Writer Boris Dezulovic ´ attacked this as cynical and populist, and the Serbian patriotic singer Lepi Mica later singled out Severina’s “fascist videos, boasting that she’s a proven Croat” during a protest against Croatian performers in Serbia.3 ´ ˇ Dezulovic’s reaction reflected a broader Croatian critique which treats Severina’s persona and music as representing or contributing to the banalization of Croatian culture, and which makes her a key symbol for the influence of showbusiness newly composed folk music (NCFM). Yugoslav NCFM was mainly Serbian or Bosnian music mixing folk origins (from Bosnian sevdalinka songs or central Serbia) and modern instrumentation (e.g. orchestral arrangements in the 1950s, and electric guitars, synthesizers, and drum machines by the 1980s), and its performers were presented through the promotional practices of pop/schlager (zabavna) singers.4 The 1970s/1980s “new folk songs” developed into “turbofolk,” 1990s Serbia’s characteristic musical-visual presentation of NCFM.5 Although NCFM involved various techniques, most Croatian criticism aggregates them into describing singers/songs as narodnjaci. A widespread critics’ and musicians’ narrative excludes narodnjaci from the normative traditions of music in Croatia, and depends so much on a constructed concept of national musical tradition that it could be viewed as a narrative of national identity, which is structured around the classic Croatian anthropological idea that Croatia contains Pannonian/Central European, Adriatic/Mediterranean and Dinaric/ Balkan cultural zones and proceeds to privilege the Pannonian and Adriatic traditions.6 According to this narrative, Croatian popular music once comprised singersongwriters, Central European schlager pop, Dalmatian light music, and Slavonian tamburica music, until Croatian cultural space was nationalized in 1990–1991: thereafter Serbian/Bosnian NCFM became unavailable and Croatian musicians, especially ˇ ´ the composer-manager Tonci Huljic (through his band Magazin and agency Tonika), began to imitate it and create ethno-politically acceptable zabavna versions.7 Severina Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 742 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC ´ has not collaborated with Huljic, but her presence in the Croatian zabavna myth is second only to his. Her widely mediatized figure is compared to the 1980s NCFM emblem Lepa Brena, so that Severina could be described as performing a “sequence ˇ ˇ of orthodox eastern [istocnjacki] turbofolk themes, showing that the ten-year search ˇ ˇ for a Lijepa Brijena is finally over.”8 “Eastern” (istocnjacki) is the most common ˇ ki) of narodnjaci and their melos. Yugoslav negative description (besides narodnjac critical vocabulary from the 1980s, in contrast, had offered more possible origins for the undesirable melos (“Spanish,” “Greek,” even “Alpine”), although the largest number of criticisms still related to “musical orientalisms.”9 A Croatian imaginary of the “vaguely-perceived musical ‘East’” appears to include the rural music of Dinaric shepherds, Turkish-influenced urban song, and the “commercial folk-pop [. . .] particularly popular in Serbia.”10 The “institutionally and psychologically maintained boundaries [. . .] between Balkan and (Western) European culture”11 were further sharpened in post-Yugoslav Croatia, striving to achieve the European side of a conceptual “Europe–Balkan dichotomy.”12 President Franjo Tudman’s nationalist ideology carefully excluded Croatia from the Balkans, while anti-nationalist discourses too could rely on European/Balkan oppositions to project Tudman’s nationalism as Balkan.13 The Balkan referent figures strongly in Croatian discourses on narodnjaci— indeed, more strongly than explicit descriptions of their melos/rhythms/vocalization as Serbian, even if that is what they are euphemistically supposed to be. Such “symbolic geography” involves constructing a nation’s Other as Balkan and therefore non-European.14 The landmarks on this symbolic map were connected by ˇ ´ one article discussing a rumoured duet between Ivana Banfic (Croatian) and Zeljko ´ Joksimovic (Serbian), who both straddled the zabavna/narodna boundary: it concluded ˇ that “Croatian showbusiness was ‘Serbianised’ [posrbila], i.e. Turkicised [poturcila], a ´ long time ago anyway” and questioned whether several performers, including Huljic’s band Magazin and three musicians associated with patriotic-regional semi-folk showbuˇ ´ ´ siness (Marko Perkovic Thompson, Miroslav Skoro, and Mate Bulic), were “really auto15 chthonous Croatian products.” Severina in this symbolism represents diluted Croatian adaptations of Serbian originals, or connotes brash post-transition social values. Her theatrical engagements in 2003/2005 and her 2003 election-rally performances for the Social Democratic Party (SDP) allowed critics to disapprove of what they perceived as wider populist tendencies within those fields. One critic interpreted her 2003 role in ˇ the musical Karolina Rijecka as “a new horrifying symbiosis” between zabavna cheapness and “elite” culture, prompting another Brena comparison and the comment that Brena could never have performed in Belgrade’s theatres; several actresses in 2005 also protested against Severina’s lack of dramatic training.16 Reactions to Severina’s 2003 involvement with the SDP showed how value judgements based on music could help express political identities. Since HDZ’s 1990 rally-concerts, Croatian political parties have constantly hired pop performers for promotional purposes,17 but the SDP’s choices at the 2000 election were rock musicians symbolizing urbanity.18 This created an expectation that the SDP’s Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 743 C. BAKER Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 musicians symbolically expressed its political identity/priorities, reflecting badly on Severina’s compatibility. Severina’s co-option by a broadly urban-civic party left its leader, incumbent Prime ˇ ´ Minister Ivica Racan, open to accusations of populism.19 Jelena Lovric terming ˇ Racan’s strategy (e.g. his sudden involvement in a border dispute with Slovenia) “Mala-je-dala politics”—“Mala je dala” being the title of a Severina song mocking post-socialist businessmen—demonstrated how popular music—and Severina— could act as metaphorical reference points.20 Hiring Severina appeared a deliberate attempt to broaden the SDP’s image beyond an urban-civic electorate, according to the same symbolic logic of their 2000 campaign. Instead, while Severina did not personally lose the “Mala-je-dala” election, the multiple meanings of her image and ascribed genre were too widespread for the SDP to control. International Competition and Mediatized Spectacle: The Eurovision Song Contest ˇ The meanings of “Stikla” were also conditioned by the site of its performance, i.e. Eurovision—a site where “national markers of difference are displayed for a moment” while disclosing “the structure of economic and cultural centre and peripheries,”21 and where a representational practice of folk-pop has emerged to base music, staging and choreography on essentialized national “heritage”/“folklore”: Turkish and Ukrainian victories using this strategy in 2003–2004 may have reinforced musicians’ and broadcasters’ perceptions of an advantageous strategy.22 Since 1999, Eurovision has expanded in scale by:23 abolishing the live orchestra, allowing free choice of performance language, releasing an official CD, awarding points by public telephone vote, moving Eurovision from theatres into sports arenas with larger live audiences, adopting an official logo incorporating the host country’s flag, and (2004–) introducing a semi-final to annually accommodate all competing states. Essentialized folkloric staging has become ´ a regular characteristic, almost a cliche, of Eurovision entries. Unlike the transnational folklorized concept which inspired the mid-1990s Celtic-styled entries, today’s essentializations are musically and visually inspired by localized contexts.24 They may be understood more specifically by domestic audiences, but for trans-European audiences they are symbolically escalated into representations of the national. International sporting events symbolically naturalize an international order structured around the national principle,25 and so does the inter-state/inter-broadcaster competition of Eurovision, which, like international sport (with which it now shares venues), provides sites for publicly symbolizing collective identities.26 Indeed, the Greekness articulated through sport during the Euro 2004 football tournament, based on culture/arts and Hellenic antiquity but supposing “a better national performance for ‘external consumption,’”27 persisted into Athens’s organization of Eurovision 2006. Croatia’s symbolic connection between sport and the nation is also strong, since 744 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC Tudmanist nationalism used sporting successes to affirm Croatian statehood.28 Eurovision participation is likewise understood as reflecting on the Croatian state and nation, with awareness that anything selected for Eurovision will be internationally understood as representing Croatian musical culture. ˇ´ The early 1990s HTV official responsible for Eurovision, Ksenija Urlicic, viewed Eurovision as a purposeful site of political messages, where an international audience would “remember our country and our fate [. . .] and see our national symbols.”29 Croatia’s first independent Eurovision appearance (1993) was domestically presented as continuing “Croatian song’s successful tradition at this great spectacle of the European continent.”30 The media also argued against former Yugoslavia’s viability and legitimacy using a belief that Yugoslav pre-selections had deliberately rotated the republics and imposed marginally European “Greek or Russian melodies” from eastern republics on Croatia, which had now been “liberated.”31 This explicit foregrounding has been absent since Tudman’s death, but statehood associations persist. Two events in Eurovision 2004 may have influenced former Yugoslav broadcasters in future years: Ruslana’s victory, essentializing musical and visual markers of a given timeless region/people (Carpathian Hutsuls),32 and—more directly—Serbia-Montenegro’s ˇ ´ ´ Zeljko Joksimovic coming second. Joksimovic’s “Lane moje” [My Faun], also based on an “ethno” melody (with violins and frule pipes), operated by “recycling” past national identities through implicit references to medieval Serbia.33 Medieval associations are a common representational strategy for Serbian “world” or “ethno” musicians, who use instrumental or visual allusions connoting the Byzantine period to produce a positively valorized version of the Balkans which overlooks the Turkish legacy.34 This ´ too may have informed Joksimovic’s concept, which received an unexpected maximum 12 points from the Croatian public vote. The vote was widely interpreted (in both countries) as bringing to light the proverbial underground popularity of ´ Serbian popular music in Croatia. Joksimovic had not operated in Croatia before 1991, and lacked the notoriety of certain newer folk performers. He still attracted 5,000– 6,000 visitors to his first Croatian concert in November 2004, amid expectations that he might have “opened the borders to ex-Yu[goslav] music.”35 ´ The 2005 Croatian Eurovision representative—Boris Novkovic performing “Vukovi ´ umiru sami” [Wolves Die Alone]—was often read as directly influenced by Joksimovic, ´ as was that year’s entire Croatian pre-selection.36 Novkovic’s song appeared to stand for an inland/Slavonian conception, with lyrical references to the Danube and a backing ´ group wearing ducat necklaces.37 Where Joksimovic’s song had been opened by a ´ ˇ ´ frule (flute) player, Novkovic had gajde (bagpipes) played by Stjepan Veckovic, a member of the Lado ensemble regarded as performing “authentic” folk music. Wolf imagery itself is common in ex-Yugoslav folklore, often connoting banditry and ˇ´ heroism, to which Jurica Pavicic alluded when he commented that the song’s “chorus sounds like the title of an action film about HOS [paramilitary] units.”38 ´ “Lane” was more representative of Joksimovic’s standard repertoire than ´ , who is normally considered a metropolitan “pop-rock” “Vukovi” was for Novkovic Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 745 C. BAKER Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 singer-songwriter and not known for folkloric or Slavonian imagery. However, the ´ ´ contrasts between Joksimovic’s and Novkovic’s stage performances suggested (inten´ tionally or not) some definite narratives of identity. Joksimovic’s flautist’s costume echoed an archetypal Serbian shepherd,39 supported by a video set in a multi-genera´ tional village home. Novkovic, however, wore a black frock-coat, waistcoat, and white shirt evoking nineteenth-century bourgeois/intellectual dress—an implicitly urban, “Central European” conjunction rather than the primordial shepherd of “Lane.” ´ Commenting on “Vukovi,” Novkovic said that the Lado vocalists contributed “an added emotional dimension of our folkloric heritage,” and called Eurovision “a festival revealing the secrets of small countries we knew nothing about [. . .] Maybe this year we’ll get to know Moldova, let’s see their primordial thing [njihovo iskonsko].”40 ˇ ´ As the composer of “Moja stikla,” Novkovic would be called upon to further clarify his relationship to folklore, ethno and other representational strategies. Domestic Competition: Melos, Language, Nationhood ´ A Severina/Novkovic collaboration for Dora 2006 was first reported in late January— ´ as a potential copy of Ruslana—and Goran Bregovic’s possible involvement was first publicized on 4 February.41 The 32 successful Dora submissions, including Severina’s ˇ “Moja stikla,” were confirmed on 10 February by HTV’s Entertainment Editor, ´ Aleksandar Kostadinov:42 Novkovic was named as composer, Severina lyricist, and ´ Bregovic arranger, the first occasion a well-known musician mainly associated with ´ another former Yugoslav successor state had been involved in Dora.43 Bregovic is a rock guitarist turned film composer and “world” musician, and might even have been the most familiar former Yugoslav musician for an international audience, whose projects have been said to reflect contemporary tendencies for Balkan cultural producers’ and products’ identity to become based on an aestheticized, essentialized “timeless space” for Western consumption.44 Whether to approach this as the product of late capitalist “production and consumption of difference” or of decentred “intercultures” reflects wider debates in contemporary ethnomusicology.45 ´ In former Yugoslavia, Bregovic is primarily associated with Bijelo dugme, one of Yugoslavia’s most successful rock groups until their split in 1989. Dugme were known for fusing rock with Bosnian/Macedonian folk elements, prompting Croatian critic ˇ Drazen Vrdoljak to describe their music as “pastirski rock” (“shepherd rock”) in the 1970s,46 and their last albums used the syncretic effect of various Yugoslav folk musics to “deconstruct the nationalist use of folk music.”47 Dugme’s June 2005 reunion (with ´ stadium concerts in Sarajevo, Zagreb and Belgrade) again foregrounded Bregovic’s 48 rock career. Much Croatian reunion coverage focused on generational nostalgia or con´ nected Dugme to 2005’s “retromania” trend, and Bregovic too has re-contextualized his Dugme-era work from a post-Yugoslav standpoint, as in his calling the band “the only thing from the former [Yugoslav] state that stayed Yugoslav.”49 However, the Croatian 746 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 media do not always accept his multinational/trans-ethnic self-representation. This ˇ became clear during the first phase of the “Stikla” case, where a deliberately escalated ˇ tikla” contained Serbian musical and linguistic controversy concerned whether “S elements—and, implicitly, whether it was suitable to represent Croatia. ˇ After the online release of “Stikla” on 20 February, the Serbian tabloid Kurir ´ ’s typical style, with “striking ethno sounds” and a claimed that it reflected Bregovic chanting chorus (“ojda-ojda-daj-ojda-daj-daj”) recycled from that of Dugme’s “Hajdemo u planine” [Let’s Go into the Mountains], which ran “ojda-da-ojda-ojdaˇ ojda-da.”50 Moreover, in referring to “srbijanskim poskocicama” (“dancing songs ˇ from Serbia”), Kurir claimed “Stikla” for Serbian musical space on the basis of ´ ´ Bregovic’s arrangement, conflating Bregovic’s multi-ethnic personal biography into a simple Serbian referent.51 This claim alone might have been expected to provoke Croatian tabloids, which keep a watchful eye on their Serbian counterparts’ reports in so far as they affect Croatian showbusiness. 24 sata, indeed, summarized the Kurir article, but added a description of the song as containing “ekavica in one section,” which would imply that it was in Serbian, not Croatian.52 Croatian avoidance of ekavica is the single most consistent distinguishing factor between Croatian and Serbian showbusiness,53 and ijekavica is used even when Croatian performers cover ˇ songs originally in ekavica.54 The linguistic criterion threatened to place “Stikla” outside Croatian musical identity even more effectively than a musical critique. 24 sata escalated this exclusion by inviting comments from a right-wing politician ˇ Luka Podrug and war veterans’ lobbyist Goran Zlopasa: Podrug accused HTV of ´ “Balkanizing Croatia” and recalled the hounding of Doris Dragovic for, in his words, “flirting with the Serbs” by performing in Montenegro in 1999.55 Yet the basis of the ekavica controversy was solely that Kurir had transcribed the ˇ lyrics of “Stikla” into ekavica—common practice when Serbian tabloids quote from ijekavica. As Severina was forced to explain, the disputed section’s original lyrics were in “ikavica,” a regional variant of Croatian spoken in Dalmatia, Dalmatinska zagora, Lika, and Herzegovina.56 The Kurir/24 sata exchange nonetheless set the field for further ˇ ´ understandings of “Stikla.” Bregovic’s involvement could theoretically have been depicted as “retromania,” or as another transnational former Yugoslav authorial collabˇ oration for Eurovision.57 Instead, once Croatian identity of “Stikla” had been questioned, the manner of its defence combined with existing uncertainty about Croatian popularmusical identity to place it into the turbofolk/narodnjaci discourse. Representing the Nation: Folklore, Turbofolk, Authenticity ´ Severina and Novkovic defended themselves by emphasizing the “authentic” and ˇ “autochthonous” nature of “Stikla” and its elements from “Croatian folklore,” but this itself caused further debates over whether commercialized folklore, or folklore ˇ with the regional connotations of “Stikla,” could be accommodated within the 747 C. BAKER boundaries of Croatian musical identity. Once Severina was selected for Eurovision by winning Dora on 4 March, the debate became more urgent thanks to Eurovision’s symbolic logic. Now, a large international audience might take its content as representative of Croatia. ˇ Severina emphasized the Croatian origins of “Stikla” by enumerating its musical ˇijavica and other Croatian autochthocomponents as “elements of lindo, ganga, rera, s nous musical moments.”58 Its instrumentation included the lijerica (a gusle-like ˇ ´ stringed instrument) and Stjepan Veckovic’s dvojnice flute, while the “ojda-ojda-daj” ˇ chorus was now rationalized as “ojkavica from Drnis.”59 These justifications followed the same discursive pattern that the editor of HTV’s flagship 1990s commercializedˇ folk programme Lijepom nasom [Our Beautiful Homeland] had used to explain his selections of music with “Croatian roots in it, based on authentic Croatian folklore.”60 They also involved a contrast between “ethno” and inauthenticity, claimed through ˇ ˇ ´ Veckovic’s presence, with which “Stikla” was to be understood as “Croatian folklore 61 [hrvatski folklor].” Newspapers prolonged the story by turning to etnoglazbenici (ethno-musicians), i.e. performers of supposedly authentic, non-commercialized, folk (“izvorna narodna glazba”). “Ethno-musicians” are not a monolithic professional ˇ ´ group: Veckovic is one himself, supplementing ensemble membership with performances-for-hire for showbusiness musicians.62 However, the quoted ethno-musicians consistently excluded Severina’s song from “ethno,” estimating that it contained no authentic folklore. Three of Croatia’s most prominent authentic folk/ethno performers distanced ˇ “Stikla” from their professional codes of authenticity by terming it “turbofolk.” Lidija ˇ Bajuk commented that “Stikla” could not be folklore “because Severina is not an authˇ entic [autenticna] ethno-singer,” crediting its “elements of musical tradition like ‘zumba’” as “pseudo-folklore,”63 but concluded that “in a wider sense it would still be turbofolk.” Dunja Knebl blamed Croatian radio for not playing “authentic” folk or ´ educating audiences away from “turbofolk,” while Novakovic determinedly excluded ˇ “Stikla” as “pure turbofolk” which lacked “any Balkan ethno-culture’s basic traditional ˇ elements.”64 “Stikla” was thus positioned as either “turbofolk enveloped into authentic [izvorni] folklore” or “adapted ethno, with which Croatia might attract foreign voters’ attention in Athens,”65 in a dominant binary framework where “turbofolk” was and “ethno” connoted foreign/European standards. Severina, too, accepted it by stressing her “Croatian ethno-elements,” and Kostadinov used symbolic acknowledgements of authenticity (instrumentation, vocalization, Lado, regional links to Zagora and Herzegovina) to deny that the song belonged to “turbofolk,” adding: “The guys were wearing costumes from the Neretva region. If someone associates those costumes with Serbia, I really can’t help” that person.66 Such value judgements presupposed a definition of turbofolk: Kostadinov’s narrow definition, as “Serbian newly-composed music performed by, say, Lepa Brena or ˇ ˇ Jelena Karleusa,”67 conveniently extricated “Stikla” (for which Kostadinov was professionally answerable as Entertainment Editor) from it. Pragmatic responses like this, Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 748 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC or a columnist’s conclusion that even though the song was turbofolk (including a Brena comparison) it was perfectly suited to a contemporary Eurovision only meaningful for “eastern European countries and the former USSR,”68 prioritized attracting pan-European gazes (even through essentialization or pandering to an “eastern melos”) and confirming Croatia’s recognition within a system of nation-states.69 However, Kostadinov’s definition omitted the broader Croatian discursive network around narodnjaci/NCFM, the basis for frequent comparisons between Severina and Lepa Brena (often referring to Brena’s 1983/1986 attempts to represent Yugoslavia at Eurovision). The discursive field could even be applied to support Severina’s potential to win Eurovision: “Severina isn’t the Croatian Lepa Brena, but the Croatian Angelina Jolie.”70 One alternative comparison set Severina against a Croatian referent, ethnojazz musician Tamara Obrovac: unlike Obrovac, Severina was re-dressing folk “by undressing, as in the famous porn film.”71 In this comment, the nation’s character was equated with female morality—and transgressing the value-norm became female shame. Yet while critical discursive strategies cast Severina as “the Croatian Lepa Brena” and on/beyond the normative border of Croatian popular music,72 Croatian consumption of narodnjaci has developed from a private/subcultural activity into a widely mediatized phenomenon. During 2004–2006, a growing frequency of newspaper ˇ articles on narodnjacki clubs in Zagreb, Rijeka or Split had presented them as hedonistic spectacles requiring journalistic exploration; violent incidents in Zagreb clubs in January 2006 then led to a series of articles connecting narodnjaci with organized crime,73 and this pre-established frame was re-used to explain several subsequent nightclub fights. Croatian knowledge of the Serbian musical scene has nonetheless improved since ´ 2000. After media attention coinciding with Croatian performances by Miroslav Ilic ˇ eljko Joksimovic (2004), the Croatian media’s most serious treatment ´ (2002) and Z to date of turbofolk or Serbian music was a Jutarnji list survey of teenagers which happened to appear a week after Severina had won Dora.74 This report challenged the prevailing implicit definition of turbofolk as a “threat to [Croatian] national identity,” described the term’s origins in Serbian cultural criticism and avoided sensationalist ´ ´ ˇ framing or symbolism. Contrary to cliches that Ceca Raznatovic (widow of the paraˇ ´ ˇ military commander Zeljko Raznatovic-Arkan) was the most popular Serbian singer in Croatia, the respondents’ favoured Serbian showbusiness-folk singers were two per´ ´ formers with markedly less shock-value, namely Seka Aleksic and Mile Kitic. This intervention itself may have affected the terms with which narodnjaci were discussed in Croatia. They themselves could now become symbolic abbreviations of the report’s conclusions that 43% of Croatian youth enjoyed narodnjaci. ˇ The “Stikla” case tended not to broaden the concept of “turbofolk,” and the value-spectrum usually ran from “model ethno-example[s]” to “the lowest form of showbusiness-musical kitsch popular in our neighbouring Serbia.”75 Another approach ˇ nonetheless emerged in Nevenka Mikac’s defence of “Stikla,” which treated Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 749 C. BAKER Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 “turbofolk” as the combining of folk-music rhythms with an “urban symbol” such as high heels—in effect, the idea of “new folk songs” used in the 1980s.76 Mikac even ˇ saw in “Stikla” “a definition of Croatian turbofolk [hrvatski turbofolk],” which, until then, had been used as an ultimate oxymoron. One columnist had commented in 2003 that violating “ganga, rera, our beautiful kolo [dances] and customs” would lead to “getting some kind of Croatian turbofolk”77—exactly what Croatian showbuˇ siness seemed to have developed by 2006.78 By late March, the capacity of “Stikla” to disrupt the commonplace boundaries of Croatian cultural identity was plain. Its impression on audiences who were not primarily interested in the make-up of Croatian culture remained to be seen. International Competition: Former Yugoslavia, the Balkans, Europe HTV, like many broadcasters, now promotes its Eurovision representative in other competing countries. Severina’s promotional tour included Macedonia, Malta, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, and Belgium, but emphasized Serbia-Montenegro, where two Serbian weeklies had received Severina’s victory as indicating that “after years of misuse, narodnjaci are becoming a cohesive factor in the Balkans” or that Croatians were acknowledging turbofolk and the “eastern melos” within their cultural boundˇ aries.79 Severina first promoted “Stikla” in Serbia-Montenegro at its Eurovision preselection (11 March), Evropesma. Evropesma developed unforeseen symbolic ˇ ´ meaning, firstly coinciding with Slobodan Milosevic’s death, and secondly because a Serbian/Montenegrin disagreement curtailed the pre-selection.80 The Serbian tabloid Svet breathlessly connected both factors: In the same Sava centar hall where, exactly 16 years ago, the fall of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began at the 14th Congress of the League of Communists, what little remained of that country finally fell apart too! The irony of history: ˇ ´ on the day of Milosevic’s death, Severina with her Likans and Dalmatians received ovations, and the Montenegrins were chased off stage with bottles and whistles!81 One tabloid headlined Serbia’s consequent withdrawal as meaning that “Only Severina ˇ is representing us in Athens”;82 indeed, without a Serbian representative, “Stikla” and 83 ˇ ˇ ´ ´ Hari Varesanovic’s Bosnian entry “Lejla” (written by Zeljko Joksimovic) could both be considered representative enough of Serbia. This flexibility of meaning, ´ ´ beyond the song’s immediate Serbian connections (through Bregovic and Joksimovic), highlighted the fluid “domestic” of Serbian showbusiness, where Croatians’ and Bosnians’ records (licensed to Serbian labels) are catalogued alongside Serbian performers and their videos are programmed into TV’s “domestic” blocks. Nonetheless, the award that Severina received from TV Pink in mid-April 2006 was for the best female singer “from Croatia”—although, with other awards directed at BosniaHerzegovina, Macedonia, and Slovenia, this might have been intended to encourage personalities from each state to attend. 750 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 Western European pre-Eurovision coverage might have provided another set of representations to analyse, but most coverage belonged to Eurovision’s eventual winners, Finland’s Lordi. Interest in Severina was confined to a German tabloid reporting Severina’s sex-tape,84 and a British article by Tim Judah presenting Evropesma as ˇ “war in the Balkans again,” writing off the ridiculous lyrics of “Stikla,” and concluding ˇanovic had the “Yu-appeal” lacked by “babes like Severina.” Croatian cov´ that Vares erage immediately before Eurovision in May 2006 reverted to an annual, anodyne frame of the delegation’s preparations, except one column by a film critic claiming ˇ “Stikla” as “historic” for representing a Croatian strategy based on cultural markers of the Balkans and “everything which we claimed 15 years ago had nothing to do with us.”85 On the whole, Severina’s coverage before Eurovision was anti-climactic, ˇ as was her eventual score: “Stikla” achieved 13th place with 56 points, mainly from all the former Yugoslav states.86 Even domestic responses to the result paid Lordi’s ˇ horror-costumed spectacle most attention, and “Stikla” seemed more suitable for audiences literate in its cultural references. Yet, after its near-exclusion from the “Croatian” frame, could it be easily marketed and consumed as a domestic product? Situating the Nation: The Internal Boundaries of Croatian Music ´ Severina and Novkovic resolved this contradiction by releasing “Moj sokole” [My ˇ ´ Falcon], apparently the pre-Bregovic version of “Stikla.” “Sokole” had a slower rhythm and used lexical motifs familiar in Croatian folk-influenced popular music (mountains, corn, olives, stone, strength, destiny). “Sokole” lacked the “ojda-ojdaˇ ˇ ´ daj” chorus present in “Stikla” (suggesting it had been added to “Stikla” by Bregovic), and its middle eight featured a ganga based on the word “sokole” rather than chants of ´ “zumba” or “sijeno-slama-sir-salama.” Especially with its Bregovic connection, ˇ “Stikla” had acquired a transgressive, if not threatening, reputation. “Sokole” was promoted as something far more comprehensible in the Croatian musical market: a zabavna song with patriotic overtones and musically rooted in the Dinaric region (Dalmatinska zagora, Lika, Herzegovina). ˇ However, the reception of “Stikla” had already been affected by Dinaric connotations. Many of its “Croatian” folklore elements originated from there, as did the backing vocalists’ “costumes from the Neretva region.”87 These associations further layered the cultural boundaries involved, since music from Herzegovina and Zagora (unlike Dalmatian or Slavonian music) often passes through a symbolic framework of internal Othering, particularly in urban centres,88 and signifiers of the Dinaric musical tradition were systematically marginalized by the 1990s broadcast media.89 ˇ During the “Stikla” case, this framework was reflected most sharply in comments from HRT forum-users or readers of Jutarnji list online: some insulted Herzegovina’s perceived backwardness, and others angrily defended the “Herzegovinian melos” as integral to Croatian music. 751 C. BAKER ˇ Dinaric associations were nonetheless positive for the “Stikla” team, and Severina ´ as “a song with elements of Zagora ethno.”90 had apparently described it to Bregovic Beyond ethno/turbofolk constructions, another nesting polemic questioned whether Herzegovina and Zagora—frequently experienced as a “uniform cultural area” despite the Bosnian–Croatian border91—truly belonged within Croatian cultural ˇ space. Kostadinov alluded to this in admitting that “Stikla” would make “some people from western Croatia, maybe especially from Zagorje” (north of Zagreb) uncomfortable, but that others might not have liked the “Slavonian tamburica” ´ ˇ sounds of a fellow contestant, Ivana Banfic.92 Two Vecernji list articles meanwhile defended ganga as symbolizing Zagora/Herzegovinian musical identity and transmitting the historical/primordial continuity of those who sang it.93 Such associations, combined with Dinaric folkloric performance’s striking visual identity, might ` suggest ganga as ideal for an essentialized Eurovision presentation a la Ruslana. ´ Indeed, the Bosnian Croat singer Mija Martina Barbaric had already attempted this in 2005 during the Bosnia-Herzegovina pre-selection. The lyrics of this song ˇ “Ruzice rumena” [Rosy Rose], were also chosen primarily for their sound (“diriˇ dam-dam-diri-diri-dam-dam, nije ta tvoja ruza moja”) and supported by ganga, and indeed contained rather more Ruslana-style prominent drumming and chants of “hej.” ˇ ˇ Despite “Ruzice rumena” and “Stikla”/“Sokole,” Dinaric musical elements are more usually the province of male singers. Herzegovinian-style popular music is highly marketable in Croatia and among the Croat diaspora, especially when per´ ´ formed by Marko Perkovic Thompson (politicized patriotic songs) and Mate Bulic ´ (often incorporating ganga). Like Severina, Bulic has defended his music as “Croatian folk [narodna] music with ethno-elements” rather than turbofolk—though, unlike Severina, he added that his music was “a barrier against the east,” meaning Serbian folk.94 This Herzegovinian-localized music so emphasizes masculinity (among economic migrants, medieval knights, named historical figures, or Homeland War veterans) that its space may even be structured by the absence of women.95 It was nonetheless the context for “Moj sokole,” originally “Hrvatski sokole” [Croatian Falcon]. ´ This version was superseded by Bregovic’s rearrangement, which apparently required different lyrics to suit its faster speed.96 Its full lyrics were first printed on 7 March, with images of natural beauty and essentialized gender roles which situated ˇ the homeland “tamo iza planina / preko zita, maslina” (behind the mountains, past the corn and olives) as a “zemlja ponosna rodena iz kamena” (proud country born of stone) and depicted the narrator and her lover as her heroj (hero) and his draga (darling). They were thematically consistent with Homeland War-era female-voiced ´ patriotic showbusiness, such as Doris Dragovic’s “Dajem ti srce” [I Give You My Heart, 1992] or Hrvatski Band Aid’s “Moja domovina” [My homeland, 1991], which apostrophized references to the plains and the sea into markers of coastal and inland (Slavonian) Croatia and aggregated regional distinctions into a single homeland. The falcon motif, meanwhile, is a common metaphor for heroism in post-2000 Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 752 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 patriotic showbusiness, which draws it from designations of warriors in epic and authored poetry.97 “Hrvatski sokole” represented the first major female-voiced contribution to post-2000 patriotic showbusiness. However, the nationalized heroism images of “Sokole” risked being read as a message of support to Croatian warcrimes indictees if submitted as an international representation of Croatia.98 It is not ˇ clear why the lyrics were changed for “Stikla,” aside from the official explanation that its new speed required different words.99 “Moj sokole” was released domestically in July 2006 to compete in the Splitski festival. After a brief non-musical polemic regarding eligibility, it was withdrawn from the competition, but played on radio throughout the summer of 2006.100 “Sokole” was not, however, directed at other former Yugoslav markets. Its Croatian release might simply have been attempting to make two hits out of one promotional campaign, but might also have been a compromise solution to the (over?-)liminal ˇ domestic position of “Stikla.” Nonetheless, “Sokole” added a final twist to the ˇ tikla” case: the melody of its instrumental hook, played on the lijerica, matches a “S ˇ ´ trumpet melody on “Zivot sam promjenila,” a song composed by Franjo Valentic in ˇ 2002 for Neda Ukraden, whose multinational biography itself reflects the “Stikla” case’s ambiguities.101 Conclusion ˇ “Moja stikla” never escaped its initial media framing as only ambiguously Croatian. Indeed, its springtime prominence became a “mediatised ritual,” in the sense of a “performative media enactment in which [. . .] moral ideas of the ‘public good’ are unleashed.”102 Here, the supposed “public good” was the norm that (a) Croatian popular music should contain authentically Croatian elements, and (b) that authentically Croatian elements could not overlap with cultural markers understood as “Serbian” or “eastern.” Internationally representing Croatia amplified both principles. Moreover, ˇ the defence of “Stikla” even reflected a continuity of discourse with the period in the early 1990s when the use of folk elements in Croatian popular music was first subject ´ to intense criticism. In 1994, Ðorde Novkovic had justified his ambiguous 1980s compositions for Ukraden as “ojkanje” from Imotski and Dalmatinska zagora which differed from “newly-composed Belgrade and Serbian folklore”;103 in 2006, Severina and Novkovi’s son Boris used the same matrix—emphasizing Croatian elements and denying any overlap between Croatian and Serbian cultural identities. For Rogers Brubaker, Croatian–Serbian relations illustrate political nationalisms as interdependent fields where struggles to represent both one’s “own” and the “other” ˇ nationalism unfold.104 The “Stikla” case suggests that cultural spaces should be similarly viewed: they contain frequent representational struggles, representations in one field affect those in the other, they are affected by “reciprocal inter-field monitoring” through each other’s media, and advocates of particular “stances” may have an interest 753 C. BAKER in nurturing a certain representation of the external field. Indeed, claims to authenticity can be viewed as discursive strategies which maintain power relations, or which themselves depend for increased contrast on counter-essentializing the other community/ culture.105 Has this occurred with Croatian and Serbian musical identities? True, Serbian identity in folk music has itself been essentialized within Serbia to privilege centralSerbian traditions.106 Yet the Croatian representations of Serbian musical identity are not even that critical. Instead, “Serbian folklore” is swept into an all-purpose distancing strategy of Serbian/Balkan/eastern/foreign, which has assisted nationalist projects portraying Croatia and Serbia as culturally incompatible but is also much ˇ more widespread in political and cultural discourse.107 Throughout the “Stikla” case, its opponents and its creators both strove to perpetuate a conceptual framework which prioritized the national level of identity, whatever content was then said (not) to ˇ belong. Yet, despite these efforts, “Stikla” emphasized precisely the ambiguities of identification which its creators had publicly hoped to avoid. In contradicting the semi-mythic tradition of Croatian popular music as articulated since independence, it suggested that the 1990s nationalist objective to separate Croatian from Serbian cultural space had not managed to create a lasting fracture. Indeed, Severina heralded the highest-profile post-Yugoslav collaboration between Croatian and other ex-Yugoslav showbusiness musicians when she revealed in July 2006 that her next album (unreleased as of writing) would predominantly feature ´ Bregovic-composed songs with lyrics by the Serbian pop/folk lyricist Marina ´ ´ ´ Tucakovic.108 The Severina/Bregovic/Tucakovic combination, in fact, resembled ´ the structure of 1980s Yugoslav popular music, when it was routine for Tucakovic to work—in ijekavica—with several Croatian composers for a Split band (Magazin) or a singer of Serb background born in Imotski who lived in Sarajevo (Neda Ukraden). Neither was it emphasized that, in the same interview, Severina had finally described one of her songs, “Ajde, ajde, zlato moje” (2000), as “on the borders of turbofolk”—notwithstanding her springtime rejections of the term. ˇ What impact has “Stikla” had for Croatian popular music, beyond short-term occur´ rences such as Ivan Mikulic’s “Igraj, igraj, nemoj stat’”[Dance, Don’t Stop; April] which also featured ganga and lijerica, plus many folk-costumed dancers when perˇ ´ formed live? The semi-folk singer Zorica Andrijasevic released an album—recorded ˇ tikla”—by Tucakovic and Zoran Lesendric (also Serbian) in the spring of ´ ´ before “S ´ 2006; Vesna Pisarovic released an album track she had described as leaning ˇ ´ towards folk; Lana Jurcevic’s summer hit “Jedan razlog” [One Reason], musically accented with Greek-style bouzouki and percussion, may have had less to do with ˇ “Stikla” and more with the glamorous, Latinized Greekness articulated by diasporic singer Elena Paparizou—but could certainly have been marketed as folk if performed by somebody already associated with it. ˇ ˇ These post-“Stikla” productions, and “Stikla” itself, certainly disrupt a prevalent narrative of Croatian cultural separateness, but their subversive nature may be more Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 754 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 doubtful. As Anne McClintock notes, the “formal fluidity, fragmentation and marketing through difference” which take place in “postmodern commodity cultures” may simply enable the privileged to stage symbolic disorder, rather than deeply altering ˇ the underlying order.109 “Moja stikla”—deliberately or inadvertently—exposed the axes of contradiction bounding the Croatian cultural space. Significant changes to those boundaries, however, are likely to be owed more to structural developments such as “the electronic intrusions of transnational media,”110 satellite television and the Internet, which can bypass state broadcasters’ nationalizing tendencies and deliver a broader selection of cultural products directly to the individuals who compose the marketplace. Acknowledgements The research for this paper was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research ´ Council. I am grateful to Eric Gordy, Marija Grujic, Emil Kerenji, Aleksandra ´ ´ ´ ˇ ´ Milicevic, Jelena Obradovic, Martin Pogacar and Dean Vuletic for comments on an earlier version of this article which was presented at the American Association for the Advancement of Slavonic Studies Annual Convention, 16–19 November 2006. NOTES 1. See Cohen, Symbolic Construction of Community; Billig, Banal Nationalism; Bhabha, Location of Culture, 2 –3. ˇ ´ 2. Goreta, “Severina u Novom Sadu pjevala s Balasevicem.” On Croatian performers’ activity in other former Yugoslav successor states, see Baker, “Politics of Performance.” ´ ´ ˇ 3. Dezulovic, “Seve i Edo”; “U pamet si, braco Srbi!,” Kurir, 10 January 2006. 4. Rasmussen, Newly-Composed Folk Music of Yugoslavia, 99. Zabavna: literally “lightentertainment” music. Yugoslav-era showbusiness comprised zabavna (pop) and narodna (folk) music, and this categorization flourishes in Serbia and Bosnia. Croatia’s narodna sector involves only tamburica soloists/groups, Dalmatian klapas, and “authentic” folk-music traditions; Croatian music marketing’s major distinction is between zabavna and “pop-rock.” ˇ ´ ˇ 5. “New folk songs”: see Colovic, Divlja knjizevnost. “Turbofolk,” was coined satirically by the alternative musician Rambo Amadeus. The term was widely taken up—sometimes pejoratively, sometimes just denoting 1990s NCFM. See Gordy, Culture of Power in ´ ´ ´ Serbia; Kronja, Smrtonosni sjaj; Tarlac and Ðuric, Antologija turbo folka; Ðurkovic, Dik´ tatura, nacija, globalizacija; Grujic, “Inclusiveness.” 6. Pettan, “Croats.” ˇ´ 7. See, for example, Ceribasic, “Defining Women and Men”; Gall, “Ljuta trava zaborava”; ˇ Dragas, “‘Balkanizacija.’” This myth reifies the narodna and zabavna genres, and minimizes 1980s developments which indicated that they were already converging before Croatian independence. See Baker, “Politics of Performance.” ˇ 8. Gall, “Prianja bas uz svaku podlogu”—“translating” Brena’s name from Serbian ekavica to Croatian ijekavica. 9. Prica, Omladinska potkultura u Beogradu, 87. 755 C. BAKER 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. Pettan, “Croats.” Rasmussen, Newly-Composed Folk Music, xix. Razsa and Lindstrom, “Balkan is Beautiful,” 630. Cf. his 1997 election slogan “Tudman, a ne Balkan [Tudman, not the Balkans]”. See ˇ Rihtman-Augustin, Ulice moga grada, 213; Razsa and Lindstrom, “Balkan is Beautiful,” 644. ´ Bakic-Hayden and Hayden, “Orientalist Variations on the Theme ‘Balkans.’” ˇ Dragas, “‘Balkanizacija.’” Gall, “Ikona masovne nekulture”; “Glumica protiv Severine: Uzima nam kruh,” Index, 20 November 2005, ,http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id¼292862. (accessed 5 July 2008). Severina’s 1998 World Cup connection was retrospectively interpreted this way ˇ in 2006 after an unrelated scandal involving footballers visiting a narodnjacki club: But´ ´ kovic, “Bilic.” ˇ HDZ also adopted a Ðani Marsan song as its 1990s anthem, featured “Band Aid”-style groups in 1995 broadcasts, and featured Toni Cetinski (in military uniform) in 1997: ´ ˇ Senjkovic, Lica drustva, 88, 153. For example, the bands Majke and Parni valjak, and the singer-songwriter Gibonni: Senj´ ˇ kovic, Lica drustva, 108 –09. Prica, “Na tlu trivijalnog,” 148 –49. ´ ´ Pavelic, “Severina jedra kao Sanaderovo samopouzdanje”; Lovric, “Mala-je-dala politika.” Rasmussen, “Southern Wind of Change,” 109. On Turkey 2003, see Solomon, “Articulating the Historical Moment.” On Eurovision as spectacle, see Bolin, “Visions of Europe.” On occasional earlier uses of the strategy in Scandinavia, see Jones-Bamman, “From ‘I’m a Lapp’ to ‘I am Saami’”; Pajala, “Northern Exoticism.” Billig, Banal Nationalism, 8, 86. Bolin, “Visions of Europe,” 190 – 91. Tzanelli, “‘Impossible is a Fact,’” 497. Bellamy, Formation of Croatian National Identity, 114. ˇ´ Lacko and Hancic, “Hrvatskoj predvidaju gornji dom.” ´ Batinovic, “Hrvatska na Euroviziji.” TV Zagreb, as part of Yugoslav Television (JRT) had also won the Yugoslav pre-selection many times. Its songs’ 1980s Eurovision success included victory in 1989, making Yugoslavia the host in 1990 (when the Yugoslav media’s political polarization led to conflicts between JRT and TV Zagreb). See ´ Vuletic, “The Socialist Star.” ´ Vukelic, “Jumbo jetom.” Ruslana’s folkloric musical elements include “powerful and permeating ethnic drums,” repeated cries of “Hey,” foot-stamping, whip-cracking, and the trembitas, a horn-like “ancient mystical Hutsul music instrument” supposedly produced by “craftsmen” from a lightning-felled tree: “Bio,” ,http://www.ruslana.com.ua. (accessed 10 November 2005). ´ ´ Mikic, “The Way We (Just Me, Myself and I) Were.” Mikic considers that the introductory melody was harmonically adapted for European listeners, and that the gentle presentation of “Lane” aimed to convey an alternative Serbian masculinity to the 1990s prevailing internationally constructed image. Cf. the “new democratic masculinity” sur´ rounding assassinated Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Ðindic: Greenberg, “‘Goodbye Serbian Kennedy.’” ˇ ´ Colovic, “Balkan.” ´ Mikac, “Joksimovic.” Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 756 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC ˇ ´ ´ 36. Brajcic, “Na Dori.” Novkovic’s rivals in the Croatian pre-selection included two competˇ ´ ing essentializations of an aspect of Croatian heritage: Luka Nizetic from Split, ˇ ´ accompanied by a klapa vocal group (Dalmatian/Mediterranean), and Tonci Huljic’s Magazin, understood (as usual) as standing for an “eastern melos” and religious kitsch ´ (with a song about Nazareth). Huljic had previously used religious kitsch for Doris ´ Dragovic’s “Marija Magdalena,” fourth-placed at Eurovision 1999, which one critic likened to that year’s Turkish folk-pop entry: Horvat, “Regionalni pristup.” On Dalmatian ´ showbusiness’s essentialized Mediterranean, see Caleta, “Ethnomusicological Approach.” 37. Ducats are a frequent symbol in Slavonian tamburica music: cf. the most successful comˇ´ mercial tamburica group, Zlatni dukati (Golden ducats). See Bonifacic, “Regional and National Aspects.” ˇ ´ ˇ´ ˇ 38. Zanic, Flag on the Mountain, 356– 58 (wolves); Pavicic, “Spoj kica i katolicizma.” HOS (Croatian Defence Force): a 1991 – 1993 paramilitary organization under the far-right Croatian Party of Right (HSP). An elite National Guard brigade from 1991, later incorporated into the regular Croatian army, was also called “Vukovi.” ´ 39. Mikic, “The Way We (Just Me, Myself and I) Were.” ´ ´ ´ ˇ ˇ 40. Celan, “Proradit ce adrenalin i u finalu!”; Boic Petrac, “Eurosong je moja prica.” The Moldovan representatives for 2005—ethno-rock group Zdob si Zdub—appeared just as aware that essentialized heritage offset by knowing inauthenticity offered an eye-catching promotional method. ´ ´ 41. “Novkovic Severini na Doru uvalio plagijat,” 24 sata, 29 January 2006; Mikac, “Bregovic.” 42. A short-lived report (originating from a spoof on HTV’s online forum) had claimed— ´ satirizing the Bregovic reports and Severina’s symbolic associations—that Severina’s entry would be called “Balkan” (a song by Serbian showbusiness-folk singer Seka ´ Aleksic): Basara, “Kostadinov.” 43. In 2004, Darko Duvnjak-Darus (with dual Croatian citizenship) participated as composer of Karma’s song “Malo pomalo” (“Thompson Light,” Svet, 19 March 2004), but is a ´ minor showbusiness figure compared to Bregovic. ´ 44. Ditchev, “Eros,” 246– 47; Iordanova, Cinema of Flames, 130. Cf. Bregovic’s use of ˇ Gypsy music on pieces such as “Kalasnjikov” or “Ederlezi.” 45. Stokes, “Music,” 48 –49. ´ 46. Pavelic, “Majstori.” 47. Gourgouris, “Hypnosis,” 336– 37. Today, certain Croatian critics even draw a direct line from Dugme’s rock with folkloric motifs (e.g. Macedonian 7/8 rhythm) into rock, ´ towards music by the Croatian nationalist singer Marko Perkovic Thompson: Gall, ˇ ´ ´ “Necu u Cavoglave”; Pavelic, “Majstori.” Despite rock stylings, Thompson is often ´ ´ understood in Croatia as performing “folk”: see Senjkovic and Dukic, “Virtual Home´ land?” See also Rasmussen, Newly-Composed Folk Music, 108, on Bregovic and Lepa Brena contributing to NCFM/showbusiness fusion. ˇ ´ 48. The reunion was referenced in another example of retromanija—Tijana Dapcevic’s song “Sve je isto samo Njega nema” [It’s All the Same, Only He’s Not Here]—intricately satir´ izing the former Yugoslav peoples’ relationships to Tito and the socialist past: Mikic, “The Way We (Just Me, Myself and I) Were.” 49. “[N]ot because we declared ourselves Yugoslavs, but because our music had elements from everywhere, it was inspired by those territories. You can find traces from Dalmatia to Vojvodina, also Zagorje, Medimurje, Macedonia . . . And so it was close to everyone. It wasn’t declarative, but the music remained, and nothing else even could remain from that ´ ´ Yugoslavia”: Ilic and Mikac, “G Bregovic.” Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 757 C. BAKER ´ 50. Bregovic is well known for “restaging” motifs from previous work, and has adapted, for ˇ example, Dugme’s songs “Ðurdevdan” and “Ruzica si bila” (themselves folk-song adaptations) for world-music compositions and film soundtracks: Gourgouris, “Hypnosis,” 342. ˇ 51. “Stikla ko opanak,” Kurir, 22 February 2006. Srpski connotes ethnic Serbness; the narrower srbijanski connotes the geographical entity of Serbia. ´ ˇ 52. Babic, “Seve.” The distinction concerns the Slavic vowel “e,” which becomes “ije”/“je” in Croatian and “e” in Serbian—hence “ijekavica”/“ekavica” for the respective variants: ´ Dragojevic, “Competing Institutions,” 69. 53. On the early 1990s politicization of the differences between Croatian and Serbian, and their use to differentiate and exclude Croatian Serbs from full membership of the nation, see Bellamy, Formation of Croatian National Identity, 137 –46. 54. For example, the Belgrade band Zana’s “Dodirni mi kolena” [Touch my Knees] became “Dodirni mi koljena” when covered by Severina in 1999. Serbian popular music is nearly always in ekavica, though Neda Ukraden’s post-2000 albums have used ijekavica, ´ perhaps because she recorded them with Croatians (including Franjo Valentic, cocomposer of “Vukovi”)—provoking some adverse comment in Serbia: “Rat izmedu ´ ˇ ˇ Srba i Hrvata bice konacno zavrsen kada Neda Ukraden i Tompson snime duet,” Svet, 14 March 2003. Ekavica may also be used for rare collaborations between Croatian and Serbian performers that are intended for Serbian/Bosnian markets and not released in Croatia, e.g. a 2002 duet between Sladana and Croatian dance group Karma (“Zauvek” not “Zauvijek”). ´ 55. Boban and Markovic, “Seve.” ´ 56. Matic, “Seve s rerom.” ´ ´ 57. Two Croatians (Andrej Babic and Vesna Pisarovic) composed for Bosnia-Herzegovina ´ ˇ (2004, 2005); Babic twice entered the Slovenian pre-selection (2005, 2006); Tonci ˇ ´ ´ Huljic rearranged Serbia-Montenegro’s entry (2005); Zeljko Joksimovic composed for Bosnia-Herzegovina (2006). ´ 58. Matic, “Seve s rerom.” Lindo: a dance from Dubrovnik; ganga and rera: characteristic ˇ singing styles from Lika/Herzegovina; sijavica: a Dalmatian counting rhyme. Intentionally or not, this interview’s headline made a couplet in standard folkloric-epic decasyllabic ´ metre (“Seve s rerom spremna za Atenu, Andrea nece zamijeniti Jelenu”), also referencing the month’s second most prominent showbusiness story on whether Magazin would introˇ ˇ duce a new vocalist (Andrea Susnjara instead of Jelena Rozga). 59. Goreta, “Severina: Spojila sam Split.” ´ 60. Radovic, “Crnci.” ´ ˇ 61. Peric et al., “Moja stikla.” ˇ ´ 62. Stjepan Veckovic, “Glazba,” ,http://scena.hgu.hr/stjepan-veckovic/glazba.html. ˇ ´ (accessed 25 September 2006). Veckovic here calls his music “Croatian ethno music. ˇ Its source [izvoriste] is Croatian folkloric tradition which, across the centuries, has retained a unique, recognizable identity. A Croatian identity.” One of his showbusiness clients, Neda Ukraden, is attached to the Serbian market by the Croatian media. 63. The chant “zumba-zumba-zumba-zumba, sijeno-slama-sir-salama” is performed by Severina’s male backing vocalists. As one of the song’s most nonsensical lines, it had been widely reproduced, sometimes (in Serbia) transposed into ekavica—making it “the unambiguous line (seno, slama)” which “proved” to one interviewer that it was in ´ ekavica (Matic, “Seve s rerom”). A “seno-slama-slama-seno” refrain had appeared on ˇ ˇ ˇ a newly composed folk song (“Su-su,” dedicated to Sumadija) by the 1960s Serbian singer Olivera Katarina—whose public image, with the nickname “Oli nacionale,” in ´ ˇ some ways prefigured Severina’s: see Lukovic, Bolja proslost, 190. Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 758 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC ´ ˇ 64. Peric et al., “Moja stikla.” Bajuk and Knebl draw mainly on music from Medimurje/ ´ Podravina (northern Croatia). Novakovic, founder of the groups Legen and Kries, fused Dalmatian unaccompanied singing with electronic ambient sampling. ˇ ˇ´ 65. Marusic, “‘Stikla.’” ´ ˇ 66. Rozman, “Aleksandar Kostadinov.” Kostadinov also argued that Novakovic had used similar melodies with Legen—including the “zumba” motif. ˇ ˇ 67. Rozman, “Aleksandar Kostadinov.” Karleusa was a more recent Serbian pop-folk singer. ´ 68. Oremovic, “Izgaranje naroda.” 69. See Billig, Banal Nationalism, 86. ´ ´ ˇ ´ 70. Butkovic, “Severina”; Peric et al., “Moja stikla”; Oremovic, “Izgaranje naroda”; Mikac, ˇ ´ ˇ “Severina podijelila.” See also Colovic, Divlja knjizevnost, 153, 158, on “joke erotic songs” and satirical references to urban symbols (including one song “Cipelice na ˇ stiklice” [High-Heeled Shoes]) as existing tropes in NCFM. ˇ´ ˇ 71. Ivkosic, “‘Stikla.’” ´ ˇ 72. Another compares Thompson to the Serbian showbusiness-folk singer Ceca Raznatovic. ´ ´ 73. For example, Fazlic et al., “Krvave noci.” Gangster violence has always been an implicit element in the turbofolk aesthetic: Kronja, Smrtonosni sjaj, 39 – 40. ˇ ´ ˇ ˇ 74. Brajcic, “Slavuj iz Mrcajevaca”; Dervoz, “Srpski folk u Lijepoj nasi”; Lazarin, “43% ˇ ˇ tinedzjera slusa narodnjake.” ˇ´ 75. Marusic, “Dora.” 76. Mikac, “Severina podijelila.” ˇ ´ 77. Ljubicic, “Milo mame svoje?!” 78. “If the majority of Croatian inhabitants are really ashamed of this country, where a large ˇ percentage of its inhabitants grew up with Sinj rera, Herzegovinian ganga and Cavoglave ˇ ˇ ˇ sijavica, Drnis ojkavica and even ethno-elements of Slavonian dancing songs [poskocice] [. . .] then many more Vlatka Pokoses would have to leave Croatia”: Mikac, “Severina podiˇ ´ jelila.” Singer/presenter Pokos had frequently criticized “Stikla” as turbofolk: Mustapic, “Vlatka Pokos.” ´ ˇ ´ ´ ˇ 79. Ilic, “Stiklom u sridu”; Peric and Ðakovic, “Severina u siljkanima.” 80. The Belgrade audience objected to Montenegrin jurors’ not voting for the highest-placed Serbian song. There had been similar allegations against Montenegro in Evropesma 2005, won by a Montenegrin song, and the same Montenegrin group scored highest in 2006. Both Montenegrin songs had had potentially patriotic lyrics, and it was feared their performance might even influence voters in the Montenegrin independence referendum, held the day after Eurovision). RTS proposed a re-run, but RTCG considered the result final; Serbia-Montenegro eventually withdrew from Eurovision with a compromise allowing it ´ to vote. See Mikic, “The Way We (Just Me, Myself and I) Were.” 81. “Ana Ben Hur i Majini gej sismisi,” Svet, 16 March 2006. Severina’s last performance ´ there—a TV Pink awards-show—had been the date of Zoran Ðindic’s assassination: Mikac, “Severini ovacije.” ´ ´ 82. Dinic and Mihailovic, “Samo Severina.” ˇ ´ ´ 83. Varesanovic’s zabavna music, always (like Magazin) “on the borders of folk” (Ðurkovic, Diktatura, 212– 13), vocally derives from Bosnian sevdah. He is widely popular throughout former Yugoslavia, including full activity in Croatia. 84. See Kronja, “Politics as Porn,” 206. ˇ ˇ´ 85. Judah, “A Warlike Song”; Pavicic, “Povijesna Stikla.” 86. Twelve (maximum) from Bosnia-Herzegovina; 10 from Slovenia, Macedonia, and SerbiaMontenegro; 6 from Switzerland; 4 from Monaco; 2 from Turkey and Germany. One showbusiness manager characterized only the Monegasque/Turkish points as “natural,” i.e. not Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 759 C. BAKER 87. Downloaded by [University of Southampton Highfield] at 09:31 17 February 2012 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. from former Yugoslavia or countries with strong former Yugoslav diasporas: Goreta, “Severina: Napravili smo dobar posao.” ˇ Rozman, “Aleksandar Kostadinov.” The backing vocals, performed on stage by Lado ˇ members, were recorded by an amateur group and two wedding singers from Cavoglave: ˇ ˇ Goreta, “Severina: Tekst ‘Stikle.’” Cavoglave is itself well known in Croatian showbusiness as Thompson’s birthplace (his first hit single during the Homeland War was dedicated to his platoon-mates’ defence of it); surprisingly, this connection was not noted ˇ in the “Stikla” commentaries. Baker, “Politics of Performance,” 282; see also Jansen, Antinacionalizam. Pettan, “Croats.” ˇ´ ˇ Marusic, “Severina stiklom.” ´ ´ Senjkovic and Dukic, “Virtual Homeland?,” 54. “Kostadinov: Nismo namjestili pobjedu Severini,” Index, 7 March 2006, ,http:// www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id¼310085. (accessed 7 March 2006). ˇ´ ˇ Grubisic, “Stiklom po tradiciji”; Krce, “Ganga na Olimpu.” ´ ´ Jadrijevic Tomas, “Napolju je poledica.” Unlike Severina, Bulic added that his music was “a barrier against the east” (i.e. Serbian folk). ´ ´ See Senjkovic and Dukic, “Virtual Homeland?,” 50; see also Dawson, Soldier Heroes, 75. ˇ Mikac, “Zasto.” ´ ´ Senjkovic and Dukic, “Virtual Homeland?,” 59. ˇ Mikac, “Zasto smo.” Patriotic-showbusiness performers (e.g. Thompson or Niko Bete) ˇ have strongly supported the indictees, and several Miroslav Skoro songs use betrayedhero images to represent both contemporary officers and famous Croatian historical figures. 24 sata (which had most prolonged the ekavica “scandal”) still attempted to manufacture ´ another controversy around Bregovic being by association “an Ante Gotovina supporter” ´ (“Goran Bregovic je pobornik Ante Gotovine?,” 24 sata, 8 March 2006), but this failed to resonate. Goreta, “Severina odustala.” Ukraden came from a Serb family, was born in Imotski and grew up in Sarajevo. During ´ the 1980s, many songs written for her by Croatian composers (including Boris Novkovic’s father Ðorde) prefigured the late-1990s Croatian semi-folk turn. With the outbreak of war, Ukraden controversially moved to Belgrade. During the 1990s she recorded with Serbian composers, but—while still based in Serbia—since 2000 she has recorded her ´ ´ albums with Croatian composers: Franjo Valentic and Branimir Mihaljevic. A major 1980s star, Ukraden is now on the periphery of folk in Serbia, and performs in Croatia only at small nightclub venues like many other Serbian folk performers. She has had no Croatian or Serbian compilations of her 1980s hits, only Slovenian-produced editions. Criticized to this day for emphasizing a particular ethnic background to suit political circumstances, Ukraden was perhaps too ambiguous too early to find a place in the ethnicized showbusiness of the post-Yugoslav successor states. Cottle, “Mediatised Rituals,” 411. ˇ´ ˇ Vuksic, “Dozivio sam.” Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, 68 –75. See Bhabha, Location of Culture, 94 – 95; Clifford, Predicament of Culture, 12; Peterson, Creating Country Music. ´ Ðurkovic, Diktatura, 185– 90. See Razsa and Lindstrom, “Balkan is Beautiful.” 760 ´ WHEN SEVE MET BREGOVIC ˇ 108. Goreta, “Slucaj poliklinike Salus.” The collaboration was not even elevated to the inter´ ´ ˇ view’s headline, despite Tucakovic’s long-standing collaboration with Ceca Raznatovic. 109. McClintock, Imperial Leather, 68. 110. Ang, Living Room Wars, 144– 45. REFERENCES Ang, Ien. Living Room Wars: Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World. London and New York: Routledge, 1996. ´ ˇ Babic, Marina. 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